https://valdaiclub.com/a/highlights/the-growth-of-social-tension-in-france/
To a large extent, this inability is due to the radical changes that have taken place in the country since the late 1970s. By inertia, social actors continue to appeal to the nation-state, and researchers continue to analyse the processes — including social movements — in the context of French Republic ideas, but the situation has seriously changed. In the post-war years of Les Trente Glorieuses, when the political model of the Fifth Republic and France as a highly industrialised society took shape, social movements were in their nature a struggle of workers for their rights, for the choice of the collective future of the country. The state acted as an arbiter between labour and capital, between the interests of economic players and the interests of the whole society. Today, however, it no longer copes with this task.
This withering away of a number of state powers was predicted in the early 1980s by the French economist François Partin, who said that the state was losing its main role in decision-making. The state can no longer control capital, it capitulates to it and agrees to follow its logic, in particular, subordinating its actions to the criterion of profitability. It can no longer pursue voluntarist policies to achieve social goals that contradict the interests of capital. At the same time, the state remains responsible for the national and international order required by the global system of production. However, its power is no longer “political” in the sense of a democracy. All that remains is social control and repression. Partin wrote that he state must force the nation to adapt, the best it can, to the needs of global techno-economic evolution, so that the people endure all the social consequences of this uncontrolled evolution without objection . In the same years, Immanuel Wallerstein was working on his The Modern World-System, where he also discusses the loss of the regulatory function of states and the decrease in their ability to maintain order.
To a large extent, this inability is due to the radical changes that have taken place in the country since the late 1970s. By inertia, social actors continue to appeal to the nation-state, and researchers continue to analyse the processes — including social movements — in the context of French Republic ideas, but the situation has seriously changed. In the post-war years of Les Trente Glorieuses, when the political model of the Fifth Republic and France as a highly industrialised society took shape, social movements were in their nature a struggle of workers for their rights, for the choice of the collective future of the country. The state acted as an arbiter between labour and capital, between the interests of economic players and the interests of the whole society. Today, however, it no longer copes with this task.
This withering away of a number of state powers was predicted in the early 1980s by the French economist François Partin, who said that the state was losing its main role in decision-making. The state can no longer control capital, it capitulates to it and agrees to follow its logic, in particular, subordinating its actions to the criterion of profitability. It can no longer pursue voluntarist policies to achieve social goals that contradict the interests of capital. At the same time, the state remains responsible for the national and international order required by the global system of production. However, its power is no longer “political” in the sense of a democracy. All that remains is social control and repression. Partin wrote that he state must force the nation to adapt, the best it can, to the needs of global techno-economic evolution, so that the people endure all the social consequences of this uncontrolled evolution without objection . In the same years, Immanuel Wallerstein was working on his The Modern World-System, where he also discusses the loss of the regulatory function of states and the decrease in their ability to maintain order.
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